How can immigrants integrate into society




















At least 27 states have also passed legislation funding immigrant integration programs that teach English or advance biliteracy. The law is designed to help students whose first language is not English achieve proficiency in both English and their native language.

These programs allow immigrants to integrate into their local communities at a quicker pace. A common problem for foreign-born residents in the United States is their inability to practice their profession due to credentialing or licensing barriers. According to the Migration Policy Institute , nearly 2 million college-educated immigrants and refugees are unable to use their professional skills despite having the foreign training and education to do so.

In recent years, states have acted to reduce licensing barriers. A Louisiana law authorizes the Physical Therapy Board to license foreign graduates and military-trained applicants to practice physical therapy.

Currently, one in four kids in the US live in immigrant families. Thus, argued Dr. Capps, how well immigrants are integrated into American society will greatly affect the success of this next generation. Capps also emphasized the important role that economic mobility and strong civil society have typically played in integration. The current recession and high unemployment in immigrant-dominated industries like construction present new challenges to this mode of integration.

She spoke about some of the political challenges associated with immigration legislation. It is unlikely that we will see an increase in funding for immigrant integration programs given the current fiscal climate, but Ms.

Jacoby believes that without spending money, the government can still act as a catalyst for creating a welcoming, respectful environment for immigrants through rhetoric and messaging. Jacoby explained that there are objective measures of integration, such as socioeconomic advancement, but there are also subjective measures, with respect to an immigrant's feeling of belonging.

She warned that if we fail to pass comprehensive immigration reform we risk alienating a generation of capable young people who are immigrants or children of immigrants. These overall patterns, however, are still shaped by racial and ethnic stratification. Earnings assimilation is considerably slower for Hispanic predominantly Mexican immigrants than for other immigrants.

And although Asian immigrants and their descendants appear to do just as well as native-born whites, these comparisons become less favorable after controlling for education.

The occupational distributions of the first and second generations reveal a picture of intergenerational improvement similar to that for education and earnings. Second generation children of immigrants from Mexico and Central America have made large leaps in occupational terms: 22 percent of second generation Mexican men and 31 percent of second generation. Like their foreign-born fathers, second generation men were overrepresented in service jobs, although they have largely left agricultural work.

Second generation Mexican men were also less likely than their immigrant parents to take jobs in the informal sector and were more likely to receive health and retirement benefits through their employment. The occupational leap for second generation women for this period was even greater, and the gap separating them from later generation women narrowed greatly.

The robust representation of the first and second generations across the occupational spectrum in these analyses implies that the U. This pattern of workforce integration appears likely to continue as the baby boom cohorts complete their retirement over the next two decades. Immigrants are more likely to be poor than the native-born, even though their labor force participation rates are higher and they work longer hours on average. The poverty rate for foreign-born persons was However, the poverty rate declined over generations, from over 18 percent for first generation adults immigrants to Overall, first generation Hispanics have the highest poverty rates, but there is much progress from the first to the second generation.

Over time most immigrants and their descendants gradually become less segregated from the general population of native-born whites and more dispersed across regions, cities, communities, and neighborhoods. Earnings and occupation explain some but not all of the high levels of foreign-born segregation from other native-born residents. Length of residence also matters: recently arrived immigrants often choose to live in areas with other immigrants and thus have higher levels of residential segregation from native-born whites than immigrants who have been in the country for years.

Race plays an independent role—Asians are the least segregated. New research also points to an independent effect of legal status, with the undocumented being more segregated than other immigrants. Language diversity in the United States has grown as the immigrant population has increased and become more varied.

Today, about 85 percent of the foreign-born population speaks a language other than English at home. The most prevalent language other than English is by far Spanish: 62 percent of all immigrants speak Spanish at home. However, a more accurate measure of language integration is English-language proficiency, or how well people say they speak English. There is evidence that integration is happening as rapidly or faster now than it did for the earlier waves of mainly European immigrants in the 20th century.

Today, many immigrants arrive already speaking English as a first or second language. Spanish speakers and their descendants, however, appear to be acquiring English and losing Spanish more slowly than other immigrant groups.

Despite the positive outlook for linguistic integration, the barriers to English proficiency, particularly for low-skilled, poorly educated, residentially segregated, and undocumented immigrant populations, are cause for concern. Funding for English-as a second-language classes has declined even as the population of English-language learners ELL has grown. The number of children who are ELL has grown substantially in recent decades, presenting challenges for many school systems.

Since , the school-age ELL population has grown at a much faster rate than the school-age population overall.

Today, 9 percent of all students in the K system are ELL. Their relative concentration varies widely by state and district. Foreign-born immigrants have better infant, child, and adult health outcomes than the U. In comparison with native-born Americans, the foreign-born are less likely to die from cardiovascular disease and all cancers combined; they experience fewer chronic health conditions, lower infant mortality rates, lower rates of obesity, and fewer functional limitations.

Immigrants also have a lower prevalence of depression and of alcohol abuse. Foreign-born immigrants live longer, too. They have a life expectancy of Over time and generations, these advantages decline as their health status converges with the native-born.

Even though immigrants generally have better health than native-born Americans, they are disadvantaged when it comes to receiving health care to meet their preventive and medical health needs.

The Affordable Care Act ACA seems likely to improve this situation for many poor immigrants, but undocumented immigrants are specifically excluded from all coverage under the ACA and are not entitled to any nonemergency care in U.

Increased prevalence of immigrants is associated with lower crime rates—the opposite of what many Americans fear. Among men ages , the foreign-born are incarcerated at a rate that is one-fourth the rate for the native-born. Cities and neighborhoods with greater concentrations of immigrants have much lower rates of crime and violence than comparable nonimmigrant neighborhoods. This phenomenon is reflected not only across space but also over time.

There is, however, evidence that crime rates for the second and third generation rise to more closely match the general population of native-born Americans. If this trend is confirmed, it may be an unwelcome aspect of integration. Immigrant divorce rates and out-of-wedlock birth rates start out much lower than the rates for native-born Americans generally,.

Thus immigrant children are much more likely to live in families with two parents than are third generation children. This is true overall and within all of the major ethnic and racial groups.

Two-parent families provide children with a number of important advantages: they are associated with lower risks of poverty, more effective parenting practices, and lower levels of stress than are households with only one or no parents. The prevalence of two-parent families continues to be high for second generation children, but the percentage of children in two-parent families declines substantially between the second and third generations, converging toward the percentage for other native-born families.

Since single-parent families are more likely to be impoverished, this is a disadvantage going forward. The panel identified three causes for concern in the integration of immigrants: the role of legal status in slowing or blocking the integration of not just the undocumented but also their U. Immigration statuses fall into four rough categories: permanent, temporary, discretionary, and undocumented.

These statuses lie on a continuum of precariousness and security, with differences in the right to remain in the United States, rights to benefits and services from the government, ability to work, susceptibility to deportation, and ability to participate fully in the economic, political, social, and civic life of the nation. In recent decades, these statuses have multiplied due to changes in immigration policy, creating different paths and multiplying the roadblocks to integration into American society.

Manning , S. Roy : Culture clash or culture club? Constant , S. Algan , A. Bisin , A. Manning , T. Bisin , E. Patacchini , T. Verdier , Y. Zenou : Are Muslim immigrants different in terms of cultural integration? This paper was later updated in A. Cameron , N. Erkal , L. Gangadharan , M. Avitabile , I. Clots-Figueras , P. Hainmueller , D. Hangartner , G.

Adsera , A. Ferrer : Factors influencing the fertility choices of child immigrants in Canada, in: Population Studies, Vol. Furtado , S. Trejo : Interethnic marriages and their economic effects, in: A. Constant , K. Zimmermann eds. Gathmann , N. Barslund , L. Ludolph , M. Gerardin , K. Skaaning , N. Laurentsyeva : From workers to active citizens? Pietrantuono : Naturalization fosters the long-term political integration of immigrants, in: Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol.

We broadly classify other proxies of social integration into four groups: culture, social participation and inclusion, demographics, and civil and political participation. The same questions can be asked of the native population regarding immigrants. However, as these questions are all personal and subjective in nature, in most cases these measures are only available as self-reported in surveys. As one example of an innovative approach, Cameron et al.

However, greater exposure to Australian culture measured by the share of education received in Australia is in general related to more convergence toward the norms of the native population. Differences in residential patterns between immigrants and the native population could reflect preferences for living among compatriots or could simply be due to financial constraints.

Civil and political integration depends on whether immigrants feel like integral members of the society and on whether they have equal access to civil and political activities. While there is some uncertainty regarding the motivations for their behaviour, the advantage of these measures is that they are usually more precisely reported in surveys.

Many of these indicators can be observed in the administrative data. We use data from the European Social Survey conducted throughout the years in the EU member states to illustrate the differences in economic and social outcomes between first-generation immigrants and the native population see Table 2.



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